Trump Make America Great Again Survey Biased

Front Psychol. 2021; 12: 555667.

Making America Great Again? National Nostalgia'due south Effect on Outgroup Perceptions

Anna Maria C. Behler

¹Psychology Department, North Carolina State University, Raleigh, NC, United States

Athena Cairo

^twoPsychology Section, Virginia Commonwealth University, Richmond, VA, Us

Jeffrey D. Light-green

²Psychology Section, Virginia Commonwealth University, Richmond, VA, United States

Calvin Hall

²Psychology Department, Virginia Commonwealth University, Richmond, VA, United States

Received 2020 Apr 25; Accepted 2021 Mar v.

Data Availability Statement

The datasets presented in this study tin can be establish in online repositories. All reported study hypotheses, measures, and methods were preregistered through the Open up Science Framework, available at https://osf.io/mwh6n. De-identified data and study information can be viewed at https://osf.io/6j4gm/. Some survey measures listed in the preregistration were not analyzed in this study and therefore not listed in this report.

Abstruse

Nostalgia is a fond longing for the by that has been shown to increment feelings of meaning, social connection, and self-continuity. Although nostalgia for personal memories provides intra- and interpersonal benefits, there may exist negative consequences of grouping-based nostalgia on the perception and acceptance of others. The presented research examined national nostalgia (a grade of commonage nostalgia), and its furnishings on grouping identification and political attitudes in the United States. In a sample of US voters (N = 252), tendencies to feel personal and national nostalgia are associated with markedly different emotional and attitudinal profiles. Higher levels of national nostalgia predicted both positive attitudes toward President Trump and racial prejudice, though there was no testify of such relationships with personal nostalgia. National nostalgia near strongly predicted positive attitudes toward president Trump among those high in racial prejudice. Furthermore, nostalgia'southward positive relationship with racial prejudice was partially mediated by perceived outgroup threat. Results from this report volition help us better sympathise how the experience of national nostalgia can influence attitudes and motivate political beliefs.

Keywords: national nostalgia, prejudice, intergroup relations, emotion, political differences

Throughout Donald Trump's tumultuous presidential campaign and tenure, journalists and scholars sought to explain his appeal to many American voters. In the 2016 presidential election, as many as nine million voters who previously supported Barack Obama, the first Black president, voted for Trump despite his inflammatory race-focused rhetoric (Skelley, 2017). Ane concept repeatedly emerged within these discussions as a mainstay of Trump'southward political entreatment: that of nostalgia, broadly defined as a bittersweet longing for the past. Evidence of Trump's appeals to an earlier fourth dimension in American history have been cited from the first of the 2016 presidential campaign through his failed 2020 reelection campaign, ranging from the salient nostalgic reverie of the "Make America Great Again" campaign slogan (Samuelson, 2016) to more coded political rhetoric promising White, working class Americans a return to times that have been lost (Brownstein, 2016).

Some take hypothesized that such nostalgic rhetoric may capitalize on voters' latent feelings of threat to their economic welfare, or to the racial or cultural homogeneity of American civilisation (Brownstein, 2016; Smeekes et al., 2020). On a broad scale, nostalgia focused on nationality is a prominent characteristic of correct-fly populist political party rhetoric, and evidence from voters in holland suggests that the emphasis of stigmatizing outgroups and preserving cultural hegemony inside nostalgic messaging is what explains the link between nostalgia and correct-fly populist back up (Smeekes et al., 2020). In the Usa, several studies provide strong prove of a link between support for Trump and grouping prejudice. For case, survey research has indicated that racial and anti-immigrant resentment strongly predicted voters' back up of Trump in 2016, more then even than voter's feelings of economic threat (Hooghe and Dassonneville, 2018; Mutz, 2018; Schaffner et al., 2018). Additionally, a longitudinal analysis of law reports evidenced a significant increase in hate crimes reported in Trump-supporting counties in the half dozen months following the 2016 presidential election (Edwards and Rushin, 2018). However, no research has of yet established whether Trump's nostalgic rhetoric may exist associated with voters' attitudes toward racial outgroups. To this end, in this paper, we nowadays evidence that national nostalgia, an emotion distinct from personal nostalgia, is associated with increased prejudice too equally support for the populist messaging of Donald Trump.

The Sociality of Nostalgia

Nostalgia is a mostly positive emotion that increases self-regard, attenuates cocky-esteem defense, enhances meaning in life, increases perceptions of self-continuity, and lessens feelings of existential threat (Wildschut et al., 2006; Routledge et al., 2008). Most people report experiencing nostalgia on a regular basis (Wildschut et al., 2006) and oft structure their present in anticipation of experiencing nostalgia in the time to come (Cheung et al., 2020). Nostalgia is triggered in various ways, including past music, scents, and reflecting on past momentous events (Barrett et al., 2010; Reid et al., 2015; Sedikides et al., 2015b). This emotion besides serves vital relational functions, increasing social connectedness and perceived social support (Sedikides et al., 2008).

The social connexion function of nostalgia is a principal avenue through which nostalgia confers positive psychological benefits. Although cornball memories are more likely to be evoked while experiencing negative affect (Wildschut et al., 2006) and loneliness (Zhou et al., 2008), the content of nostalgic memories evoked during these emotional states seem to act as a "repository" of positive affect, positive self-regard, and social connectedness (Sedikides et al., 2008, p. 306). The content of cornball memories is predominantly social, including recollections of close others, important social events, or tangible objects reminiscent of loved ones (Wildschut et al., 2006; Batcho et al., 2008). Every bit a result of this, cornball memories seem to indirectly regulate these positive emotions by evoking and making more salient one's symbolic connections with others (Sedikides and Wildschut, 2019). For example, nostalgia felt in response to loneliness has been shown to reduce perceptions of isolation and low social support (Zhou et al., 2008). In organizational contexts, nostalgic emotions buffer the negative furnishings of low social back up (due to procedural injustice) on reduced cooperation (van Dijke et al., 2015).

Importantly, those who are more likely to experience nostalgia (i.due east., those high in personal nostalgia) are too more motivated to control prejudicial feelings and reduce their expression of prejudices against outgroups as a result of these positive benefits (Cheung et al., 2017). Four studies of Caucasian Americans examined the links between personal nostalgia and the expression of both breathy and more subtle prejudice toward African Americans (Cheung et al., 2017). They found that the link between personal nostalgia and prejudice reduction was mediated by feelings of empathy, suggesting that the experience of nostalgia offers advantages beyond the self.

National Nostalgia vs. Personal Nostalgia

The link between nostalgia and sociality becomes more complex when because nostalgia felt for one's group. Although nostalgia felt at the individual level confers both intra- and interpersonal benefits, group-based nostalgia appears to have a distinct psychological profile from personal nostalgia. Group-based emotions, as singled-out from private-level emotions, arise when individuals self-categorize with a social grouping and integrate the grouping into their sense of self (Seger et al., 2009). Furthermore, grouping-based emotions can differ markedly from their analogous private level counterparts, such as when an individual might experience stiff pride and happiness for their habitation team while not feeling stiff pride in themselves (Smith and Mackie, 2016). Furthermore, group-based emotions serve a regulatory function of strengthening positive attitudes and behavioral intentions toward both their ingroup and threatening outgroups (Smith et al., 2007; Seate and Mastro, 2015).

Group-based nostalgia—operationalized as nostalgia felt for events shared with i'due south ingroup, or commonage nostalgia—tin be experienced in a variety of social settings, including organizations, school classes (due east.g., Grade of 2021), cities, and nations (Wildschut et al., 2014; Smeekes, 2015; Green et al., 2021). Similar individual-level nostalgia, shared memories tin can include notable events, such as a special functioning (band or orchestra), graduation day, homecoming (college class), or sports championships (city). However, different individual-level nostalgia, grouping-based nostalgia can occur in the form of a longing for a past that individuals themselves did non experience, only rather one that was passed down through commonage memory (Martinovic et al., 2017). Additionally, collective nostalgia has been shown to increase positive attitudes likewise every bit an approach-oriented action tendency toward the ingroup relative to an individually experienced nostalgic memory (Wildschut et al., 2014, Study 1). Collective nostalgia besides tin increase group-oriented prosociality (due east.g., willingness to volunteer or donate money to assist the ingroup; Wildschut et al., 2014; Dark-green et al., 2021). Collective self-esteem mediated this consequence: recalling a collective nostalgic effect increased collective cocky-esteem, which, in turn, increased intentions to volunteer. Other research has establish boosted ingroup benefits to collective nostalgia, such a preference for domestic (vs. foreign) consumer products (Dimitriadou et al., 2019) and a promotion of collective political activity (in Hong Kong; Cheung et al., 2017).

However, there are 2 sides to this money. A preference for domestic products is besides a bias against foreign products, and the promotion of collective political action was driven by anger and contempt for the outgroup (i.e., Hong Kong residents toward mainland Chinese; Cheung et al., 2017). Individuals who recalled a collective nostalgic retentivity (vs. an ordinary collective memory) were more willing to punish outgroup members who were unfair to an ingroup member (Wildschut et al., 2014, Report iii). Yet, in some cases, collective nostalgia might increase intergroup contact when individuals can feel collective nostalgia for a superordinate group (Martinovic et al., 2017). In a study of former Yugoslavians who had settled in Commonwealth of australia, Bosniaks, Croats, and Serbs who identified with Yugoslavia (when these groups were bound together prior to partition and subsequent conflict) reported feeling more nostalgic for Yugoslavia and reported more contact with the indigenous groups that had resided in the former Yugoslavia (but not control ethnic groups).

National nostalgia is one type of commonage nostalgia that is felt while self-categorizing as a denizen of a specific state, and is probable to exist associated with particular intra- and intergroup attitudes and behavioral intentions. Just as personal nostalgia during times of change and upheaval can facilitate coping (east.g., attenuating loneliness) (Zhou et al., 2008), national nostalgia—a reverie for a country's good old days—may increase felt closeness to fellow natives during times of national stress or uncertainty. Nonetheless, cornball carousal at the national level may exclude other citizens, such as contempo immigrants or minorities (Smeekes and Jetten, 2019). Studies of national nostalgia among Dutch participants indicated that national nostalgia predicted prejudice toward religious minorities in the country (Smeekes et al., 2014) as well every bit prejudice toward Muslim countries (Smeekes, 2015). Notably, these outgroup attitudes were not predicted past personal nostalgia, which has been shown to be associated with decreased intergroup prejudice (Cheung et al., 2017). This distinction between personal and national nostalgia may lie in the extent to which outgroups pose an emotional threat to the self.

National Nostalgia and Outgroup Threat

The intergroup threat theory (Stephan et al., 1999) posits that intergroup prejudice and hostility is largely explained past perceptions of threats to one'southward ingroup by an outgroup. In line with this theory, substantial evidence has found that intergroup prejudice is strongly influenced by both realistic and symbolic threat perception (Stephan et al., 2002; Mutz, 2018). Realistic threats are perceived threats to 1's actual well-being, and typically include the domains of physical prophylactic, political power, and economic security. Symbolic threats are more than abstract, dealing with the cultural norms, ideologies, values, and traditions of one's ingroup (Stephan and Stephan, 2000). Realistic threats tend to exist elicited from groups that are more than economically powerful, whereas symbolic threats come about from marginalized outgroups who are perceived every bit highly dissimilar, and thus often junior, to an ingroup (Stephan et al., 1999). Though these constructs are distinct and examined separately in the literature, at that place often is overlap between them, especially considering the demographic, economic, and social dynamics of some ingroups and outgroups. To exist specific, when a marginalized minority grows in political, economic, or representative ability, realistic and symbolic threats tin can exist conflated (Craig and Richeson, 2014).

1 salient factor in perceived threat for members of majority groups is the size of minority outgroups, with more threat existence evoked by larger outgroups (Giles, 1977; Craig and Richeson, 2018) or fifty-fifty through messages endorsing diversity (Dover et al., 2016). In 1 notable set of studies by Craig and Richeson (2014), White American participants who read that the The states population was condign more diverse (relative to control conditions)—that the pct of whites was dropping—reported more explicit (studies 1 and 3) and implicit (studies 2a and 2b) prejudice toward non-White outgroups and pro-White attitudinal bias. One possible explanation on why national and personal nostalgia are associated with different intergroup attitudes may be due to different levels of social categorization evoked, leading to differing levels of perceived threat. Personal nostalgia, which is associated with continuity of personal identity (Sedikides et al., 2015a) and evokes strong feelings of social connection, too has downstream implications for reducing anxiety and hostility toward outgroup members (for a review, run into Sedikides and Wildschut, 2019). In contrast, feeling national nostalgia is associated with cocky-categorizing at the group level, evoking one'south national identity (Smeekes and Verkuyten, 2015). Like to how personal nostalgia may exist evoked when feeling disconnection at the individual level, national nostalgia has been shown to be evoked in response to existential concerns nearly one's group-based identity, and may have the beneficial effect of reducing anxiety by bolstering perceptions of group continuity and connection (Smeekes et al., 2018). For example, trait national nostalgia amid Dutch participants was positively associated with wanting to protect national ingroup identity (Smeekes, 2015). Similarly, a cantankerous-national survey across 27 countries found that existential concerns about the future of one's country predicted increased collective nostalgia, which in turn predicted greater ingroup belonging and anti-immigrant sentiment (Smeekes et al., 2018). Withal, when the presence or power of outgroups is salient (e.grand., chronically or by the rhetoric of politicians), national nostalgia may increase perceived threat. Moreover, ingroup continuity may be threatened by consideration of outgroups (Smeekes et al., 2018). This may be particularly truthful for people whose views of the national by are distorted—for instance, when whites in the Us experience a longing for a (whiter and more homogenized) past that never was. Thus, national nostalgia could increase this fear of the time to come, leading to increased prejudice.

With the exception of a subsample of United States participants included in the cross-national study of Smeekes et al. (2018), this stardom has not been examined in the United States. Additionally, no studies have directly examined this theorized relationship in the context of political beliefs. Given that the tumultuous Trump years emphasized a number of political issues associated with national and ethnic identities, nosotros extended this line of inquiry by examining whether perceived intergroup threat explains any found relationship between national nostalgia and endorsement of symbolic prejudice.

National Nostalgia and Outgroup Perceptions in the Context of Political Messaging

Recent work has highlighted the prominence of national nostalgia in the rhetoric of correct-fly populist political parties, and in particular its role in posing racial or national outgroups as scapegoats for perceived economical or cultural decline (Mols and Jetten, 2014; Smeekes et al., 2020). Political leaders often utilize national nostalgia in rhetorical strategy by emphasizing the discontinuity between a nation's past and present (Mols and Jetten, 2014), which so serves to evoke collective angst almost group status (Smeekes et al., 2018). A content analysis of speeches by right-wing populist leaders in Western Europe constitute consistent themes of nostalgia for their country's "glorious past" while denigrating the country's present, likewise as themes emphasizing that a) opponents of the party were the cause of this discontinuity between past and present, and b) increasing the country's strength and opposition to party opponents would return the nation to its onetime glory (Mols and Jetten, 2014). By emphasizing commonage identity discontinuity, then highlighting a potential scapegoat to blame for that aperture, populist leaders offering listeners an outlet for restoring psychological well-being by denigrating the outgroups believed to be responsible (Smeekes et al., 2018). Indeed, national nostalgia has been shown to explicate back up for right-wing populist policies and leaders via the denigration of immigrant and racial outgroups (Smeekes et al., 2020).

Similarly, the part of intergroup relations was a strong focus of Donald Trump'south 2016 and 2020 presidential entrada rhetoric^one. In the 2016 campaign, Trump borrowed Ronald Reagan'due south 1980 slogan, "Make America Corking Again," and emphasized claims that the U.s. had deteriorated from its sometime condition. Along with these statements, he made numerous controversial statements on race, implying that changing demographics were, in role, to blame for this refuse (Pettigrew, 2017). This led political pundits to claim that Trump's supporters were primarily White Americans who felt threatened by changing racial demographics and nostalgic for a past, whiter version of the United States. Exit polls from the 2016 presidential election appeared to back up some of these claims, as White voters were the but racial demographic to support Donald Trump over Hillary Clinton, doing so by a large margin of twenty percentage points (CNN, 2016)². Furthermore, several academic studies conducted in the wake of the 2016 election further supported the notion that intergroup attitudes played an of import role in voters' choice to support Trump. Surveys conducted with representative panels constitute that support for Trump was nearly strongly predicted by negative attitudes toward the increased proportion of not-White Us citizens in the population and anti-globalization attitudes (Hooghe and Dassonneville, 2018; Major et al., 2018; Mutz, 2018).

To build upon this research, the aim of our report was to directly examine how voters' propensity to feel national nostalgia may explain support for Trump'southward populist rhetoric also as increases in racial prejudice in the Us following the 2016 presidential election (Edwards and Rushin, 2018). Furthermore, we hoped to highlight the unique role of perceived realistic and symbolic threats in shaping Us voters' political attitudes. We thought it appropriate to examine both realistic and symbolic threats given the unique role of Blackness Americans in United States history and the ever-evolving racial and ethnic demographics of the United States, of which White Americans are becoming less of a majority (US Census Bureau, 2020).

The Current Report

Nosotros examined the role of national nostalgia in propagating intergroup racial hostility above and across political orientation. Nosotros explored how national nostalgia relates to political and racial attitudes amidst voters who participated in the 2016 US presidential ballot. We also examined the interplay between national nostalgia, pro-Trump attitudes, outgroup prejudice, and perceived outgroup threat.

Although previous research examined survey information taken around the fourth dimension of the 2016 presidential race (Hooghe and Dassonneville, 2018; Mutz, 2018), our data were collected ~ane yr afterwards the ballot, allowing us to see how our participants felt later President Trump had been in office for some time, and whether the nostalgic bulletin of "Making America Great Again" still resonated with voters. Minimal work on national nostalgia has been conducted, and to date, most all of this work has been conducted outside of the United states of america; thus, this research would explore the potential link between national nostalgia and political attitudes too as study the phenomenon in the U.s.a. sociopolitical mural. In addition, we included a validated measure of personal nostalgia in club to better examine the association between personal and national nostalgia as well as to assess whether each type of nostalgia might be associated with political attitudes.

Hypotheses

We tested ane specific hypothesis and 3 exploratory inquiry questions, which were pre-registered on Open Scientific discipline Framework (https://osf.io/mwh6n).

Hypothesis 1. National nostalgia would be positively related to pro-Trump attitudes (1a). No human relationship was expected to be constitute between personal nostalgia and positive attitudes toward President Trump (1b).

Research Question one. Will White or Republican identity exist positively related to pro-Trump attitudes?

Enquiry Question 2. Will national nostalgia be positively related to racial prejudice?

Enquiry Question iii. Will the human relationship betwixt national nostalgia and racial prejudice be mediated past increased threat sensitivity?

Method

Participants

An a priori power analysis using G^*Power (Faul et al., 2009) indicated a minimum of 132 individuals would be needed to detect a small correlation of r = 0.09³ with 95% power and α = 0.05. We recruited 252 Usa citizens who voted in the 2016 presidential election and identified as either White or Black (57.9% female, and 54.4% White). Participant age ranged from eighteen to 79 (M = 36.34, SD = 12.68). Regarding political amalgamation, 44.0% of the participants identified as Democrats, 25.iv% Independent, 23.4% Republican, and seven.two% equally Other. Participants were recruited through Amazon MTurk (www.mturk.com) during the Fall of 2017 and compensated $0.thirty for completing the survey.

Regarding our sample demographics, White individuals comprised approximately 74% of the electorate in the 2016 election (Pew Inquiry Eye, 2018); nonetheless, we purposefully oversampled Black voters for the purposes of achieving appropriate statistical ability for our analyses. Additionally, Republicans comprised ~31% of the electorate, with Democrats and Independents making up 35 and 34%, respectively. Thus, nosotros feel that our sample is an accurate reflection of the 2016 US voters.

Measures

Personal Nostalgia

The Southampton Nostalgia Scale (SNS; Routledge et al., 2008) measured personal nostalgia, operationalized as how oftentimes participants feel nostalgia and how meaning participants felt nostalgic experiences were to them. The scale included seven items (due east.g., "How valuable is nostalgia for you?") rated from 1 (Not at all) to 7 (Very much). To build on past national nostalgia research (Smeekes et al., 2014), nosotros use a validated measure of personal nostalgia (proneness to feeling personal nostalgia).

National Nostalgia

The National Nostalgia Scale (NNS; Smeekes et al., 2014, Report 1) measured participants' propensity to feel nostalgia on the ground of 1'south national ingroup membership. The scale included four items rated from i (Very rarely) to v (Very frequently) scale. The NNS used in this study was modified from the calibration of Smeekes and Verkuyten (2015)^four to reflect American nationality [due east.g., "How often exercise yous long for the America (Netherlands) of the by?"].

Positive Attitudes Toward Trump

In terms of political attitudes, we wanted to assess positive sentiment toward the President equally related to the experience of nostalgia. Therefore, nosotros used a modified version of the Country Functions of Nostalgia Scale (SFN; Hepper et al., 2012), which measures the extent to which nostalgia confers the positive benefits of social connectedness, well-being, self-regard, and overall positive touch. Each item was modified to assess how participants experienced these benefits as they related to Donald Trump'southward presidency. This calibration consisted of 16 items (east.yard., "Thinking about the election of Donald Trump makes me feel protected/happy/life is worth living"), that were rated on a i (Not at all) to five (Extremely) calibration.

Outgroup Threat Perception

The Realistic Threat Calibration (RTS; Stephan et al., 2002) was employed to measure realistic threat perceptions (eastward.g., of social or economic impairment) of Black individuals. The calibration was examined but amidst White participants. The measure includes 12 items (e.g., "African Americans concord besides many positions of power and responsibility in this country") rated on a 1 (Strongly disagree) to 7 (Strongly agree) scale.

Racial Prejudice

The Symbolic Racism Calibration (SRS; Henry and Sears, 2002) was used to appraise cognitive and affective dimensions of racial prejudice toward Blackness individuals. The mensurate consisted of 8 items (e.m., "It's actually a matter of some people not trying hard plenty; if Blacks would only try harder they could be but as well off as Whites.") rated on a 1 (Strongly disagree) to four (Strongly agree) scale.

Political Measures

Participants reported their political orientation on a scale ranging from 1 (Very Liberal) to 7 (Very Bourgeois). Participants as well chose which party they most strongly identified with (Democrat, Republican, Contained, or Other). Participants then indicated which political candidate they voted for in the 2016 presidential election (Hillary Clinton, Donald Trump, or Other). They and then responded to the question "How much practice you lot feel like we need to 'Make America Great Once again'?" on a 1 (Non at all) to 7 (Extremely) scale. Finally, participants reported their country of origin and whether English was their native language.

Ethnic Identity Salience

The Multi-Ethnic Identity Measure—Revised (MEIM-R; Phinney and Ong, 2007) was used to determine the centrality of participants' racial/ethnic backgrounds to their sense of self. The scale contains such as "I have a strong sense of belonging to my ethnic group," and each item was rated on a scale of one (Strongly disagree) to 5 (Strongly agree) scale.

Demographics

Participants last reported their gender, age, and racial identity.

Procedure

Participants signed up through Amazon Mturk to consummate an online survey nigh their attitudes toward the by, race, and politics. Afterwards indicating their informed consent, participants responded to all study measures and items in the order described above. All responses were collected over a single, 1 week period in the Autumn of 2017 to avert history artifacts in the information. Additionally, all participants passed attending checks ensuring that they were properly attending to questionnaire items. For the purposes of this survey, missing more than two attending cheque items indicated insufficient attention and warranted non-inclusion of that participant'southward data.

Results

Descriptive statistics and zero-gild correlations are displayed in Table 1. To examination our hypotheses, we conducted a serial of hierarchical linear regression models and bootstrapped arbitration and moderation analyses to assess the relationship betwixt nostalgia (national and personal) and political and intergroup attitudes using SPSS v. 20 and Hayes' Process macro 5.three (Hayes, 2013). Post-obit these baseline models, we also support our findings using path analyses employing maximum likelihood estimation using IBM AMOS v. 26 (Due to a computer error, the national nostalgia data from 72 participants were unusable, reducing the n for analyses including national nostalgia to 193, withal above the target based on the ability analysis).

Table one

Descriptive statistics and bivariate correlations among study variables.

Variable	1	2	3	four	v	6	7	8	9	10	12	xiii	14	M/Per centum	SD
1	Ethnic/Racial Identity Salience	0.91													iii.38	0.92
2	Personal Nostalgia	0.xv**	0.92												4.85	1.xix
3	National Nostalgia	0.18**	0.32***	0.xc											2.85	one.16
4	Pro-Trump Attitudes	0.24***	0.08	0.49***	0.97										2.62	1.41
5	Outgroup Threat Perception	0.07	−0.01	0.44***	0.62***	0.98									2.38	1.52
six	Racial Prejudice	0.08	0.07	0.47***	0.63***	0.63***	0.84								0.34	0.23
7	MAGA	0.14**	0.02	0.52***	0.61***	0.54***	0.65***	–							3.33	2.72
eight	Political Orientation	0.12	0.01	0.46***	0.59***	0.47***	0.66***	0.67***	–						3.48	1.76
9	Republican	0.08	0.01	0.33***	0.52***	0.35***	0.51***	0.60***	0.63***	–					23.four%	–
x	Democrat	0.08	0.00	−0.28***	−0.35***	−0.25***	−0.38***	−0.47**	−0.53***	−0.49***	–				44.0%	–
11	Independent	−0.15*	−0.03	0.05	−0.14*	−0.05	−0.05	−0.02	0.02	−0.32***	−0.52***	–			25.4%	–
12	Gender	−0.05	−0.thirteen*	−0.07	0.18**	0.18**	0.nineteen**	0.ten	0.15*	0.05	−0.12	0.10	–		57.one% (F)	–
13	Age	0.01	0.ten	0.08	−0.04	−0.xx**	−0.08	0.02	0.01	−0.03	0.03	0.03	−0.03	–	36.34	12.68
fourteen	Race	0.33***	−0.08	−0.12	−0.04	−0.07	−0.17**	−0.09	−0.07	−0.04	0.20**	−0.17***	−0.12	−0.17**	54.4% (EA)	–

Main Hypothesis

We first assessed whether national nostalgia and personal nostalgia would be related to pro-Trump attitudes in the ways previously predicted. National nostalgia and personal nostalgia proneness were entered simultaneously in step ii of the model to place their unique human relationship with attitudes toward Trump. In step i of the hierarchical model, political orientation significantly predicted pro-Trump attitudes such that college conservatism was associated with more positive attitudes of Trump, β = 0.59 t(192) = 10.08, p < 0.001. In step 2 of the model, national nostalgia was associated with more pro-Trump attitudes to a higher place and beyond political affiliation, β = 0.xxx, t(192) = iv.43, p < 0.001, supporting Hypothesis 1a. In dissimilarity, personal nostalgia was non associated with pro-Trump attitudes to a higher place and beyond political orientation, β = −0.07, t(192) = −ane.13, p = 0.259. Nostalgia predicted a significant proportion of variance in attitudes higher up and beyond political orientation, F _{(2, 189)} = 9.ninety, p < 0.001, R²Δ = 0.06.

To examine this relationship in a consolidated path model⁵, Figure 1 displays Path Model ane, quantifying the relationship between national and personal nostalgia and race, political orientation, ethnic identity salience, and pro-Trump attitudes. The model fit the information somewhat weakly due to the lower sample size [χ2(1) = 23.01, p < 0.001; CFI = 0.89; RMSEA = 0.34; SRMR = 0.03]. Every bit shown in Model i, Hypothesis 1 was once more supported: national nostalgia predicted pro-Trump attitudes (β = 0.24, p < 0.001), whereas personal nostalgia was unrelated to pro-Trump attitudes (β = −0.08, p = 0.156).

Path analysis of relationships between national/personal nostalgia, ethnic identity, and pro-Trump attitudes (Model 1). Note. Path coefficients represent standardized estimates.

Research Question one

To appraise whether there was an association between race, political affiliation, and pro-Trump attitudes, we ran a 2 (Racial Identification) × 3 (Political Party Amalgamation) ANOVA. Racial identification was coded with 0 = White/European-American, 1 = Black/African-American (shortened to W/EA and B/AA going forward). Political political party affiliation was coded as 1 = Republican, ii = Democrat, and three = Independent and were analyzed using an indicator multicategorical contrast. For the purposes of this analysis, data from participants who did not identify with one of these three major political groups were excluded. The model included 59 Republicans (34 Due west/EA, 25 B/AA), 111 Democrats (48 W/EA, 63 B/AA), and 64 Independents (44 Westward/EA, 24 B/AA). The factorial model plant that political party affiliation was the only significant predictor of holding positive attitudes toward President Trump, F _{(2, 228)} = 47.73, p < 0.001, partial η² = 0.30, with Republicans (Chiliad = 3.94, SD = 1.22) more than in favor of the president than their Democratic (M = 2.06, SD = 1.26) or Independent (1000 = 2.27, SD = 1.06) counterparts. There was no main effect of participant race (Black or White) on attitudes toward the President, F _{(one, 228)} = 0.47, p = 0.57, nor was there an interaction between political political party amalgamation and participant race, F _{(2, 228)} = 0.05, p = 0.96. Figure 2 displays these results.

Relationship betwixt political party affiliation and pro-Trump attitudes past racial identity. Note. Mistake confined represent 95% CIs effectually the mean for each subgroup.

To explore these results further, nosotros examined whether ethnic identity salience, rather than race itself, may be an important qualifying variable in explaining pro-Trump attitudes. We examined whether political party (dummy coded with Republican = 0 to compare confronting Democrats and Independents) interacted with race (dummy coded with Westward/EA = 0) to predict racial identity salience (measured by the MEIM) using Hayes' Procedure macro v. 3.4 (model 1). We conducted a bootstrapped moderation analysis with 5,000 resamples, which indicated a meaning higher-order interaction result between political amalgamation and race to predict ethnic identity salience, F _{(2, 228)} = iii.23, p = 0.041, R^twoΔ = 0.024. An analysis of the unproblematic gradient effects indicated that in that location was a stronger divergence in ethnic identity salience among White participants compared with Black participants. White Republicans (G = iii.47, SD = 0.92) reported that their racial identity was significantly more important to them than their White Democratic [K = 3.04, SD = 0.91, b = −0.43, 95% CI = (−0.82, −0.04)] and Contained counterparts [G = 2.89, SD = 0.92, b = −0.59, 95% CI = (−0.98, −0.19)]; simple slope difference F _{(2, 228)} = four.49, p < 0.001. In contrast, no significant difference in racial identity salience was found among Black/African-American participants; uncomplicated gradient difference F _{(two, 228)} = 0.63, p = 0.537. In fact, an analysis of the simple master effect of race among Republicans indicated that White Republicans felt their racial identity was every bit every bit important to them as Black participants; M = 3.73, SD = 0.83, b = 0.24, 95% CI = (−0.16, 0.63). Blackness Democrats [b = 0.lx, 95% CI = (0.37, 0.83)] and Black Independents (b = 0.97, 95% CI = (0.57, one.36)] reported significantly higher ethnic identity salience compared with White Democrats and Independents (see Effigy 3).

Racial identity salience amongst Blackness/African-American and White/European-American participants of different political affiliations (Republican, Democrat, Independent). Note. Error bars represent 95% CIs around the hateful for each subgroup.

Nosotros as well examined whether racial identity salience qualified the relationship between national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes. A moderation analysis using Hayes' Procedure macro (model 1) indicated that higher racial identity salience somewhat strengthened the relationship betwixt national nostalgia and positive attitudes toward Trump, merely simply among White participants; ΔR ² = 0.03, F _{(1, 77)} = 3.94, p = 0.051. Among those low in racial identity salience, national nostalgia was unrelated to attitudes toward Trump; b = 0.27, 95% CI = (−0.03, 0.58). Those moderate [b = 0.43, 95% CI = (0.18, 70)] and loftier [b = 0.64, 95% CI = (0.31, 0.97)] in racial identity salience showed a strong relationship between national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes.

As a final exam of Enquiry Question 1, a second path model (Path Model 2, Effigy four) was compared with Path Model ane to once more examine the interaction between nostalgia and ethnic identity (on pro-Trump attitudes), and the interaction between political orientation and race (assessing its relationship with ethnic identity). When interpreting this model, it is of import to note that path models are by and large considered ineffective in examining interaction effects (Meyers et al., 2016). Path Model ii showed much improved fit relative to Path Model i [χ2(10) = 40.47, p < 0.001, CFI = 0.95, RMSEA = 0.09⁶; SRMR = 0.05]. Likely due to the limitations of path models to compute interaction effects, in dissimilarity to what was shown in the PROCESS model, the interaction between race and political orientation (measured on a continuous calibration) was not significantly associated with indigenous identity (β = −0.08, p = 0.210). Additionally, the interaction term between national nostalgia and indigenous identity was no longer associated with pro-Trump attitudes (β = 0.13, p = 0.607). This suggests that for White participants, greater national nostalgia was associated with increased indigenous identity.

Path analysis estimating interaction effects (race × political orientation and ethnic identity × nostalgia) on pro-Trump attitudes. Notation. Path coefficients represent standardized estimates.

Inquiry Question 2

We side by side examined whether national nostalgia was positively related to racial prejudice. Bivariate correlations indicated that national nostalgia was positively associated with both anti-Black racial prejudice measured by the Symbolic Racism Scale (SRS) too as perceived realistic threat measured by the Realistic Threat Calibration (RTS, run across Tabular array 1). To farther examine the link between national nostalgia and racial prejudice, we tested whether racial prejudice moderated the link betwixt national nostalgia and positive attitudes toward President Trump using Hayes' Procedure macro (model 1) with 5,000 resamples. A significant moderation consequence was identified. Participants reporting higher prejudice exhibited a stronger human relationship between national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes; ΔR ^two = 0.05, F _{(i, 178)} = 19.60, p < 0.001. Uncomplicated slopes were calculated and visualized using the interActive online utility, and are presented in Figure 5 (McCabe et al., 2018). The relationship betwixt national nostalgia and positive attitudes toward Trump was non-meaning at low levels of prejudice (those at to the lowest degree −1 SD below the hateful of SNS). However, for those moderate to loftier in racial prejudice (0, +ane, or +two SDs in a higher place the hateful of SNS), national nostalgia positively predicted pro-Trump attitudes (see Figure 5). Interestingly, this effect was found separately for both White [ΔR ² = 0.03, F _{(1, 77)} = 5.93, p = 0.02] and Black participants [ΔR ² = 0.09, F _{(1, 97)} = 17.44, p < 0.001], but at that place was no significant three-style interaction between national nostalgia, prejudice, and race (p = 0.14), so the results in Effigy five are displayed for all participants.

Relationship between national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes chastened by anti-Blackness racial prejudice. Note. Plots display elementary slopes at −2, −one, 0, +i, and +two SDs away from the mean of racial prejudice for all participants. PTCL, percentile.

Research Question three

Will the human relationship between national nostalgia and racial prejudice be mediated by increased threat sensitivity?

We concluding examined whether the relationship betwixt national nostalgia and racial prejudice would be mediated by outgroup threat perception (measured by the Realistic Threat Scale, RTS). A moderated mediation model was constructed using Hayes' Process macro (model 8) to assess whether the proposed mediational effect might differ between European-American and African-American participants. Equally shown in Figure half dozen, the model indicated a significant indirect effect of national nostalgia on prejudice through the mediator of perceived threat for both White/EA participants [β = 0.23, 95% CI = (0.12, 0.36)] and Black/AA participants [β = 0.22, 95% CI = (0.xiii, 0.32)]. The mediational indirect effect did non differ past participant race; β = 0.07, 95% CI = (−0.15, 0.13).

Mediation of national nostalgia relationship with racial prejudice past outgroup threat perception, chastened by participant race.

To examine this question in the context of a path model, Path Model 3 (Figure 7) displays the proposed relationships between national nostalgia and racial prejudice. Model 3 showed a moderate fit with the information, χ(two) = 65.80, p < 0.001; CFI = 0.79; RMSEA = 0.41; SRMR = 0.07). When accounting for political orientation, race, national nostalgia, personal nostalgia, racial threat sensitivity, and racial prejudice in a structural equation mediation model, national nostalgia directly predicted racial prejudice (β = 0.21, p < 0.001), whereas personal nostalgia did non (β = 0.03, p = 0.581). The relationship between national nostalgia and racial prejudice was significantly mediated past threat sensitivity [indirect effect β = 0.18, 95% bias-corrected CI (0.10, 0.26)]. Interestingly, personal nostalgia besides showed a weak indirect effect on national nostalgia via threat sensitivity, only in a negative direction [indirect event β = −0.07, 95% bias-corrected CI (−0.14, −0.01)]. This suggests that greater personal nostalgia may weakly predict lower racial prejudice via reduced racial threat sensitivity.

Path analysis of relationships between national/personal nostalgia and prejudice, mediated by racial threat sensitivity (Model three). Note. Path coefficients represent standardized estimates. Indirect upshot of national nostalgia on racial prejudice through racial threat sensitivity was meaning [β = 0.xviii; 95% bias-corrected CI (0.10, 0.26)].

Give-and-take

In our study, national nostalgia was associated with more positive feelings about President Trump, as well as increased perceived racial threat amidst White respondents. In contrast, personal nostalgia was unrelated to support for Trump or perceived racial threat. When assessed in a path model, personal nostalgia was actually associated indirectly with lower anti-Black prejudice via decreased racial threat sensitivity. These findings align with bear witness from samples exterior the United States (e.thousand., Smeekes and Verkuyten, 2015; Smeekes et al., 2020) that personal and national nostalgia are distinct experiences with unique ramifications for intergroup attitudes and relations. Though our overall finding that national nostalgia predicted Trump support could reflect a strong semantic connection between Trump and its 2016 presidential entrada slogan, it also may point to the entreatment of Trump'southward campaign—and its right wing, populist sentiments—amidst those initially decumbent to feeling national nostalgia. To better reply this question, our side by side analyses investigated more than closely the relationship betwixt national nostalgia and identity.

Our first enquiry question asked whether identity was associated with national nostalgia. We found partial evidence for this idea, equally Republican participants expressed greater positive attitudes toward Trump. Still, at that place was no evidence of a relationship betwixt race and support for the President. At commencement glance, this finding does not align with media narratives and political polling suggesting that Trump's messaging appealed mostly to White voters. However, although race itself did non predict support for the President, racial identity salience moderated the link between national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes. White Republicans felt more than strongly continued to their racial identity than Whites who identified as either Democrats or Independents. White Republicans also expressed significantly more positive feelings toward the President than other groups. In fact, they rated their racial identity as of import as Black participants in our sample. This is notable, as it evidences further support for the influence of White identity on political attitudes (Schildkraut, 2015). Equally members of the majority group, White individuals typically are less likely to think of themselves in terms of race than people of colour, for whom race is a more centralized component of their identity (Steck et al., 2003).

This finding suggests that the perception of demographic changes and threats to the dominant ingroup in the United States may indeed have been a critical factor in voters' choice to support Trump. Some research suggests that, in the electric current political climate, White Americans may increasingly identify with their Whiteness, as a consequence of threat resulting from shifting racial demographics (Jardina, 2019). Nevertheless, at that place is an issue of causality, as these correlational data could indicate that the perception of such a threat may increase the salience of one's racial identity. This threat may exist perceived more than strongly past those for whom a White racial identity was already a more central function of their self-concept. For instance, Schildkraut (2015) found that White Americans with college White identity scores, along with heightened perception of bigotry confronting Whites and feeling a sense of linked fate with other White Americans, were essentially more than likely to politically endorse a White candidate. This suggests that the threat to White identity, forth with other related constructs, may influence political attitudes and may besides offer an explanation on why leaders invoking national nostalgia may exist and so attractive to some individuals. This type of rhetoric typically emphasizes commonage identity discontinuity in order to foment feet virtually the state of the country while simultaneously offering a restorative outlet by identifying racial outgroups as scapegoats.

The role of intergroup attitudes was apparent when examining the relationship betwixt national nostalgia and pro-Trump support. We plant that national nostalgia significantly predicted racial prejudice and that this relationship was mediated by perceived outgroup threat. Interestingly, this mediational consequence was found amidst both White/EA and Blackness/AA participants, although the lack of a pregnant interaction effect may have been due to lower power. Additionally, we found a stronger relationship between national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes amid those who reported more prejudice toward Black individuals. These findings align with evidence that grouping emotions motivate intergroup attitudes and, in particular, outgroup derogation when outgroups are perceived to exist a threat (Smith et al., 2007; Wildschut et al., 2014). In particular, these findings align with converging evidence that the content of collective nostalgia—what individuals perceive to exist "the good old days" for their identity group—reflects salient sources of perceived threat (Wohl et al., 2020). This conceptual model, highlighting the content of commonage nostalgia, also explains differences between the emotional outcomes of personal and national nostalgia. Whereas, personal nostalgia enhances feelings of belonging by evoking memories of positive intrapersonal experiences in the face of ostracism or loneliness, national nostalgia may raise belongingness by evoking positive thoughts about the "skilful old days" when one's group was perceived to be higher in status or less threatened by outgroups. It is too possible that national nostalgia, similar personal nostalgia, may heighten feelings of continuity in its own style, past allowing individuals to feel connected to a time in which they believed their ingroup identity was less threatened or somehow stronger. Recent work supports the notion that, analogous to personal nostalgia, enhancing feelings of self-continuity (Sedikides and Wildschut, 2019), national nostalgia is linked to feelings of ingroup continuity (Smeekes et al., 2018). A study beyond 27 countries constitute that national nostalgia was associated with stronger feelings of ingroup continuity (Smeekes et al., 2018); ingroup belonging simply not prejudice (outgroup rejection) appeared to mediate this link. Since relatively little research on commonage nostalgia, specially national nostalgia, has been undertaken, time to come work should examine these questions via multiple methods, particularly longitudinal and experimental designs, which can place whether and to what extent cocky-continuity is enhanced by (or itself predicts) collective nostalgia in response to outgroup threat.

Constraint on Generalizability

These data were obtained from a cantankerous-sectional group of US Mturk workers in the Fall of 2017, so these results are most generalizable to American middle-aged populations (Huff and Tingley, 2015). Additionally, these considerations of intergroup threat perception and prejudice are near generalizable to White/EA and Black/AA social groups within the United States, and future analysis of national nostalgia should proceed to assess different ethnicities, races, and other relevant social categories.

Future Directions

These findings raise the question on whether national nostalgia stems from a desire by some to go dorsum in time, due to perceived group identity threats. Futurity research should apply longitudinal or experimental methods, such every bit manipulating identity threat, to examine whether national nostalgia arises every bit a defense against perceived threats to i's ingroup. Relatedly, it is only recently that national nostalgia has been manipulated (Smeekes and Verkuyten, 2015; Wohl et al., 2020), as the majority of national nostalgia enquiry has been at the trait level. Farther work evoking national nostalgia in experimental contexts would allow united states of america to better understand how this emotion interacts with intergroup attitudes, prejudice, and feelings of threat. We should likewise go along to examine how the importance of racial identity, including white racial identity, plays a role in their political attitudes and bodily voting behavior. The need for further research in this area has grown substantially in contempo years, peculiarly in light of events such equally those that took place in Charlottesville in 2017 and at the U.s.a. Capitol Building in early 2021, in which large groups of White Nationalists gathered in events that ultimately turned violent.

An boosted question to be explored is the extent to which national nostalgia operates within specific cultures and nations. Although Trump's presidential tenure has ended, the importance of these findings is not constrained only to the rhetoric from his campaign. Rather, the use of national nostalgia in political communication is widespread (Mols and Jetten, 2014; Smeekes et al., 2020) and has far-reaching implications. Time to come research should examine the role of national nostalgia in shaping attitudes toward demagogues in a variety of settings and when considering a variety of societal outcomes. Our findings propose that national nostalgia may influence intergroup attitudes as a grouping-based emotion broadly through evoking positive emotions most one's national grouping identity. However, the nature of the construct suggests it may also operate through evoking shared historical knowledge and schemas well-nigh one's group inside a specific nation. The phrase "brand America great again" and other cornball political rhetoric is particularly controversial in the Us because minority groups have accomplished significant advances in ceremonious rights in recent history, and a call to return to a former time may imply a call for a return to a former and less egalitarian social hierarchy. Future research on national nostalgia should explore the nuances of this emotion and its expression amidst various ethnic and social groups in different countries. Expressions of national nostalgia may evoke intergroup hostility to a bottom extent within nations with dissimilar histories.

Future research might as well examine the extent to which perceptions of outgroup threat stalk from realistic (east.g., economic) vs. symbolic (e.g., social/moral) concerns. Prior research has theorized that symbolic threats (rather than realistic threats) may be more psychologically influential on voter back up for right-wing populist credo, as concerns about immigration and intergroup relations tend to emphasize the importance of preserving cultural homogeneity (Smeekes et al., 2020). Understanding the source and salience of perceived economic and cultural threats could help inform interventions to assuage anxiety, thus reducing prejudice toward outgroups. Finally, with the always-evolving demographic makeup of the United states (as well as many other countries), further work in this surface area should include individuals who identify with other racial groups across White or Blackness, and should also be expanded to look at dissimilar identities such as gender, sexual orientation, religion, immigrant status, social grade, didactics level, and nation of origin.

Coda

National nostalgia, a form of collective nostalgic experience, is a promising lens through which to analyze attitudes, such as political and prejudicial attitudes, particularly when combined with assessments of identity salience and perceived outgroup threat. Research to date on national nostalgia is relatively new. Although this phenomenon has been studied elsewhere (mostly in European and Asian nations), this is the first study, to our knowledge, to examine the US political landscape. Personal nostalgia—a contemplative longing for ane's personal past—does not have the same associations with political and group attitudes, and just moderately correlates with national nostalgia. In contrast, national nostalgia, specially in combination with white identity salience and outgroup threat perception, predicted both prejudice and political attitudes.

At that place may be some irony in the possibility that national nostalgia may include behavior for a by that never was; in this instance, an America that was non equally white as some recollect. However, these national nostalgic feelings appear to exist linked to important social attitudes, and thus are worthy of farther investigation.

Information Availability Statement

The datasets presented in this written report tin can exist found in online repositories. All reported study hypotheses, measures, and methods were preregistered through the Open Science Framework, available at https://osf.io/mwh6n. De-identified data and written report data tin can be viewed at https://osf.io/6j4gm/. Some survey measures listed in the preregistration were non analyzed in this study and therefore not listed in this study.

Ethics Statement

The studies involving man participants were reviewed and approved by Virginia Republic University IRB. The patients/participants provided their written informed consent to participate in this study.

Author Contributions

AB, AC, and CH compiled and submitted all documentation for IRB ethics review and OSF pre-registration. AB and Ac oversaw information collection and analysis. AB wrote the starting time draft of the manuscript. All authors collectively contributed to the conception and design of the study and assisted with subsequent revisions.

Conflict of Involvement

The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absenteeism of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

Footnotes

¹We note that intergroup relations were besides a salient theme in the 2020 ballot (e.g., the role of the Black Lives Matter movement); nonetheless, as our information were collected in 2017, we emphasize the 2016 ballot in this paper.

^twoThough a majority of all non-White voters supported Hillary Clinton over Donald Trump, the exit polls showed that the greatest differential was among Black voters, who voted in Clinton'due south favor by a margin of 89 to eight% (CNN, 2016). Thus, nosotros chose to use Blackness voters as a comparison group to the Caucasian sample.

³The Pearson correlation between national nostalgia and outgroup prejudice reported by Smeekes and Verkuyten, 2015, study two).

^ivThe authors would like to annotation that this scale was not included in the original pre-registration, as it was published just prior to the time this written report was developed. However, the decision was made prior to data drove to use this validated scale as a more directly and statistically sound mode to measure the construct of national nostalgia.

⁵Although structural equation models are often used to model paths among composite variables (such as national and personal nostalgia), we opted to use a path model for these analyses given that our sample was non big enough to justify inclusion of all individual items in the model.

⁶Although RMSEA greater than 0.08 is frequently considered marginal fit, RMSEA has been known to become inflated with sample sizes lower than 200 (Meyers et al., 2016).

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Source: https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC8079816/